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LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY. 



LETTERS OF LOYAL SOLDIERS. 



lEow (Aeneral Sherman proclaimed Peace at •Itlanta. 



Motv General •fict-all pronounced for Peace in 
Pen nsyl vania. 



Who knows most about the Kebellion ? Politicians, who have 
lived at home, outside of the reach of its cannon — or Generals, 
M'ho have been turnino; its flank all summer ? Read the Chicao;o 
outrage and then listen to Generals who are further inside of the 
Rebel lines, than the Chicago politicians were outside of them, 
and judge between the two. • 

All of these gallant soldiers hate War and love Peace. They 
know something of both. Yet not one is willing to give up by 
disgraceful suirender, the glories and the honor, which have cost 
so much blood and treasure ; all they ask of us, is, to see to it, 
that there is no fire in the rear; they will take care of the Re- 
bellion in the tVont. 



Letter of General Sherman to the People of Atlanta. 



On the 11th lust, the Mayor and Council of Atlanta addressed 
an elaborate letter to General Sherman, requesting a revocation 



,_ 

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or iiiodiftcation of his order for the removal of the inhabitants of 
the city. General Sherman replied as follows : 

"Headquarters Military Division of the Mississippi, ) 
IN THE Field, ' (. 

Atlanta, Ga., September 12, 1864. ) 
''James M. Calhoun, Mayor. K E. Bawson, and S. C Wells 
representing City Council of Atlanta : ' 

"Gentlemen : I have your letter of the 11th, in the nature of 
a petition to revoke my orders removing all the inhabitants from 
Athinta. 1 have read it carefully, and give full credit to your 
statements ot the distress that will be occasioned bv it, and yet 
shall not revoke my order, simply because my orders are not de- 
signed to meet the humanities of the case, but to prepare for the 
future struggles in which millions, yea hundreds of miUions of 
good people outside of Atlanta have a deep interest We must 
have peace, not only at Atlanta, but in all America. To secure 
this we must stop the war that now desolates our once liappy and 
tavored country. To stop war we must defeat the rebel armies 
that are arrayed against the laws and constitution, which all 
must respect and obey. To defeat these armies we must pre- 
pare the way to reach tliem in their recesses, provided with the 
arms and instruments which enable us to a(tcomplish our Dur- 
pose. ^ '■ 

"I^ow, I know the vindictive nature of our enemy, and that 
we may havff many years of military operations from this 
quarter and therefore deem it wise and prudent to prepare in 
time. The use of Atlanta for warlike purposes is inconsistent 
with Its character as a home for families. There will be no 
manufactures, commerce or agriculture here for the maintenance 
wu ^' sooner or later want will compel the inhabitant to 

go. Why not go now, when all the arrangements are completed for 
the transfer, instead of waiting till the plunging shot of contending 
armies will renew the scenes of the past month ? Of course I dS 
not apprehend any such thing at this moment, but you do not 
suppose that tliis army will be here till the war is over I can- 
not discuss this subject with you fairly, because I cannot impart 
to you what I propose to do, but I assert that mv militarv plans 
make it necessary for the inhabitants to go awav; and I can only 
renew my offer of services to make their exodus in any direction 
as easy and comfortable as possil^l^. You cannot qualify war in 
harsher terms than I will. ^ 

"War is cruelty, and you cannot refine it; and those M'ho 
brouglu war on our country deserve all the curses and male- 
dictions a people can pour out. I know I had no hand in mak- 
ing this war, and I know I will make more sacrifices than any of 
you to secure peace. But you cannot liave peace and a division 
of our country. It tlie United States submits to a division now. 
It will not stop, but will go on till we reap the fate of -Mexieo 






which is eternal war. The United States does and must assert 
its authority wlierever it has power ; if it relaxes one bit to pres- 
sure it is gone, and I know that such is not the national feeling. 
This feeling assumes various shapes, but always comes back to 
that of Union. Once admit the Union, once more acknowledge 
the authority of the national government, and instead of devot- 
ing 3^our houses and streets and roads to the dread uses of war, 
I, and this army, become at once your protectors and supporters, 
shielding you from danger, let it come from what quarter it may. 
I know that a few individuals cannot resist a torrent of error 
and passion such as has swept the South into rebellion ; but you 
can point out, so that we may know those who desire a govern- 
ment and those Avho insist on war and its desolation. 

" You might as well appeal against the thunder-storm as 
against these terrible hardships of war. They are inevitable, 
and the only way the people of Atlanta can hope once more to 
live in peace and quiet at home is to stop this war, whicli can 
alone be done by admitting that it began in error and is per- 
petuated in pride. We don't want your negroes or your horses, 
or your houses, or your land, or anything you have, but we do 
want and will have a just obedience to the laws of the United 
States. That we will have, and if it involves the destruction of 
your im])rovements, we cannot help it. You have heretofore 
read public sentiment in your newspapers, that live by falsehood 
and excitement, and the quicker you seek for truth in other 
quarters the better for you. 

" I repeat, then, that by the original conq^act of government, 
the United States had certain rights in Georgia which have 
never been relinquished, and never will be ; that the South be- 
gan war by seizing forts, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, &c., &c. 
long befui'e Mr. Lincoln was installed, and before the South 
had one jot or tittle uf provocation. I myself have seen in Mis- 
souri, Kentucky, Tennesse and Mississippi, hundreds and thou- 
sands of women and childern fleeing i'roni your armies and des- 
peradoes, hungry and with bleeding feet. In Memphis, Vicks- 
burg and Mississippi we fed thousands upon thousands of the 
families of rebel sokliers left on our hands, and whom we could 
not see starve. Now that war comes home to you, you feel very 
diflferent — you deprecate its horrors, but did not feel them when 
you sent car-loads of soldiers and ammunition, and moulded 
shell and shot to carry war into Kentucky and Tennessee, and 
desolate the homes of hundreds and thousands of good people, 
who only asked to live in peace at their old homes, and under 
the government of their inheritance. But these comparisons are 
idle." I want peace, and believe it can only be reached through 
Union and war, and I will ever conduct war purely with a view 
to perfect and early success. 

'' But. my dear sirs, when that peace does come, you may call 



on me for anything. Then will I share with vou the last crack- 
er, and watch with you to shield your homes and families against 
danger from every quarter. Xow, you must go. and take with 
jou the old and feeble : feed and nurse them, and build for them 
in more quiet places proper habitations to shield th^m against the 
Aveather, until the mad passions of men coordoTrn, and allow 
the L nion and peace once more to settle on your old homes at 
Atlanta. 

"■ Yours, in haste, 

"AV. T. SHERMAX, 

JIajor- General. " 



General McCall on the War and the Election. 

The follo\ving letter from General McCaix was read at a 
Union meeting in West Chester, Pennsylvania, on Saturday : 

^Belaiu, September 30, 1S64. 
"Jft6*ros. TT. E. Ba,l-ii\ IT'. 1'. Marshall and oihers. corri'mitUe : 

Gentlemen : I am in receipt of your letter of the :29th instant, 
inviting me ' to preside over a mass meeting of the loyal citizens 
of Chester, Delaware and Montgomery Counties, to be held at 
the Agricultural Fair Grounds, "on Saturday next, the 1st of 
October.* Although I am constrained to decline the honor you 
have thus intended to convey, I will avail myself of the occasion 
to express to you my views with respect to the great question 
(the conduct of the war) now before our country, and soon to be 
decided at the coming Presidential Election, which views in the 
main have never, under any circumstances, undergone a change. 
Xo one deplored more than myself the stem necefesity which re- 
quired the I^y'onhem states to take up ai-ms to qneU the rebellion 
of the South, yet no one more than myself felt the necessity of 
rousing and exerting all the energies of the country- to this end. 
One of two things then stared us in the face : either the positive 
suppression of the rebellion and the preservation of the Union, 
or the utter or irretrievable loss of position among the nations 
of the earth, and the entailment on our children of an everlasting 
disagreement, contention and war, with the southern people. I 
now beheve, as I ever have believed, that if the Union is worth 
preserving, it is worth the prosecution of the war to a successful 
conclusion. With regard to the conduct of this war, I cannot 
say that I have approved or would now endorse ail the measures 
of the present administration ; Ijut 1 reyard any administration 
tjiot wdl energetically proaecute tJu: war as prtjeralAe to one thai 
U infacor of art, anni^tice and a conrcocaiiorv of the stales — untU 
tfu states of rehell'ion foace laid down tJvevr arms. 
•' Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

GEOEGE A. MoCALL." 



LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY. 

J%'o. 64.— JP«rf 3. 



LETTERS OF LOYAL SOLDIERS. 

How Douglas Democrats will Vote. 



Letters of Generals Wool & Logan. 



General Jt^ool upon ,JicCUUan Sf the Chicago Platfin^tH. 

Gen. "Wool has written a letter to Hon. J. A. Griswold, of 
Troy, which concludes thus : 

" With the unlimited confidence of the President and his 
Cabinet, having the control of all the resourctB at their disprvsal, 
with a ' splendid army ' of one hundred and twenty thousand 
strong, increased to one hundred and fifty-eight thousand, as re- 
ported by the Adjutant-General of the Army, the goal was 
within the reach of General MeClellan, but he knew not how to 
grasp it. He possessed ' the sword of Scanderberg. but could not 
wield it' He neither comprehended the value of time, nor the 
advantages of prompt action and celerity of movement. His 
encamping in the swamps of the river Warwick, and the mud in 
front of I'orktown, for a month besieging the place, permitting 
its rebel garrison to be increased from nine thousand to over 
one hundred and twenty thousand men, as he represented, (the 
rebels say only seventy-five thousand.) and then allowing them 
to cscajte from Yorktown unobserved, was no less fatal to him 
as a commander than the result was disastrous to his array — at 
the same time it disappointed and depressed the hopes of every 
patriot throughout the Union. "With advantages that few gene- 
rals ever possessed, he signally failed. 

Gen. MeClellan expects to be President under the convention 
whose leaders sympathize with the Southern rebels, and whose 
platform was dictated by traitors calling themselves Democrats. 






His friends say he repudiated the platform in his letter of accept- 
ance. Can any one doubt, if the leaders succeed in electing 
him, no matter what he may have said in that letter, that he will 
be governed by the Chicago platform ? It appears by the Neio 
York Daily News, the organ of the Peace men, that the plat- 
form was approved hy the General two months lefore the conven- 
tion met at Chicago. The editor says : " Early in July last— we 
have it upon the authority of a delegate from Indiana ,who was 
selected by the delegation from his State to act as one of the 
committee to inform the candidates of the action of the conven- 
tion—the platform, with its peace planks, almost word for word 
as adopted, was presented to General McOlellan, and was hy 
him approved loth in its letter am,d spirits Under such 
circumstances, coming from the source it does, the truth of the 
statement cannot be doubted. The Oerieral is hound hy his 
Righted faith to he governed hy the platform should he he elected. 
To violate it, he would exhibit more courage than most men 
possess. 

Allow me to ask, is there a Democrat who voted for Senator 
Douglas for President, that will vote for any candidate who ac- 
cepts a nomination from a convention that sympathizes with the 
rebels, and which was dictated to by Southern traitors in the 
formation of its j)latform ? I hope there is not one. Althono-h 
Douglas was defeated in his election by the Southern I)e- 
mocracy, and a few Demorats in the North who co-operated with 
them, he was one of the fii'st to declare his attachment to the 
Union and his readiness to sacrifice all he possessed, with life 
itself, if need be, to protect and defend the Republic in its unity 
and integrity. 

In conclusion, I will simply remark that I belong to no party, 
whether Democrat, Whig, Republican, or any other, that is not 
for the preservation of the Union and the Constitution, without 
compromise or lines of demarcation, and which is not in favor of 
the prosecution of the war until the rebels lay down their arms 
and are willing to submit to the laws and Constitution of the 



United States. 



Respectfully yours, 

JOHN E. WOOL. 



Why General John A. Logan supports Lincoln 
and Johnson. 

That gallant and successful soldier, Major-General John A. 
Logan, who has been claimed by the Democrats as a supporter 

01503 

>05 



8 

of the Chicago Platform and the peace-at-any-price candidates, 
made a grand Union speech at Carbondalo, Illinois, on the 1st 
inst., in which he lashed the copperheads with just severity. We 
make the following eloquent extract: 

I tell you, gentlemen, when you see men coming home from 
the army, it makes no difference what their politics may have 
been, if they have been honest, true and faithful men, you find 
that they would suffer their tongues to be torn out by the roots 
before they would lisp a word in behalf of that Cliicago Platform 
or the men who made it. They can not and will not do it. 

I used to be a follower of the illustrious Stephen A. Douglas. 
They called me a Douglas worshiper. I believe many others 
thought as much of Douglas as I did. If that great and good 
man were alive today, and I wish he were, he would stand on 
this "War and Union Platform side by side with me, and advo- 
cate the same measures that I do. Listen to what he said in the 
last letter he ever wrote. It was a letter to YmGrL . Hickox, 
Chairman of the State Democratic Central Committee. Virgil 
was looking around, not knowing exactly what he ought to do. 
Douglas wrote: 

"All hope of compromise with the Cotton States was abandon- 
ed when they assumed the position that t\w separation of the 
Union was complete and final, and that they would never con- 
sent to a reconstruction in any contingency — not even if we 
should furnish them with a blank sheet of paper, and permit 
them to inscribe their own terms. 

"I know of no mode in which a loyal citizen may so well de- 
monstrate his devotion to his country as by sustaining the Con- 
stitution, the flag and the Union, under all circumstances and 
every administration, regardless of party politics, against all as- 
sailants at home and abroad." 

That was the Douglas doctrine just before he died. It would 
be his doctrine to-day if he were alive. It is my doctrine to- 
day, and has been all along, and I intend to stand by it to 
the last. [Applause.] 

This, then, is all that I care about saying in reference to these 
party platforms, or in reference to the candidates So far as Mr. 
Lincoln is concerned, I know this. There were a great many 
people in this country who opposed him four years ago. I 
know I did it just as heartily as any other man in the country. 
If any man had told me four years a^o, that I would ever make 
a speech in favor of his election, I would have told him it 
was not so, and you could have proved it. 



Indignant Copperhead in the crowd — "I think I could." 

General Logan — But you couldn't do it now, [Laughter.] 
But when I find the leaders of the party I acted with betraying 
the trust the people reposed in them, when I find them repudi- 
ating the doctrine of Jackson, who was for hanging traitors to 
the highest tree he could find, and for preserving the Union at 
all hazards, either with blood or without it ; when I find them 
leaving behind them all the doctrines of the Democratic party, 
renouncing their allegiance to their God, their country and our 
flag, I am not compelled to follow you any farther, I cannot go 
with you into the precincts of treason and disloyalty. 

Mr. Lincoln stands, I say, upon the true Union platform, and, 
therefore, I am for him. 

I believe he has endeavored to sustain the Government hon- 
estly and faithfully. Although he may not have acted just to 
suit my views in some particulars, that shall make no diff'erence. 

Andrew Johnson I believe to be equally honest and faithful. 
I have but one choice to make between the Constitution, the 
Union and its heroes, on one side, and their defamers, on the 
other; I will act with no party who is not for my country, and 
must refuse my support to the nominees of the Chicago Con- 
vention. [Applause.] 

A Soldier on the Chicago Platform. 

City Point, September 6, 1864-. 

When I first read the platform of the Chicago Convention I 
felt as if I could whip every enemy the country had, and if I 
had been put in action the next minute I doubt very much if 
I would have shown a particle of quarter whatever. 

Only to think of a cowardly set of villians and traitors gather- 
ing together and making proposals of peace with a gang of out- 
laws, when any man of common sense and courage (which I sup- 
pose this convention never heard of) can see that they are about 
giving up the contest, knowing themselves that they are beaten 
as badly as any people ever was in the whole world. I don't 
believe there is a soldier in the army willing to abide by a ces- 
sation of hostilities, unless it may be a few bounty jumpers, and 
I don't call them friends to the cause, nor even men, much less 
soldiers. If I had my way, Jeff. Davis would have to call for 
peace twice, at least, before I would listen to him, and then I 
would answer, "Peace and pardon to all except Jeff. Davis, and 
hemp for him and for all others who are found bearing arms 
against the Gorernraent ten days after the issue of the pro- 
clamation." G. F. 



LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY. 

LETTERS OF LOYAL SOLDIERS. 



LETTER OF GENERAL DIX, 
His Opinion of the Chicago Platform. 

The following letter, from General Dix, was addressed to the 

Committee of the Union mass meeting, held in Independence 

square, in Philadelphia, on Saturday : 

" New Yokk, October 6, 4864. 

" Gentlemks : I have received your invitation to address the 
mass meeting to be held in Independence Squai-e, on Saturday. 
The duties incident to the active command of a military de- 
partment render it impossible for me to attend public meetings, 
or make political speeches ; but I accede with pleasure to your 
fequest to write you a letter. 

" There is but one question before this country in the ap- 
proaching cauvase. Shall we prosecute the war with unabated 
vigor until the rebel forces lay down their arms ; or shall we, 
to use the language of tlie Chicago Convention, make ' imme- 
diate efforts' for 'a cessation of hostilities,' wdth a view to an 
ultimate convention of all the States, &c. 

" l^elieving that the latter measure, for whatever purpose 
adopted, would lead inevitably to a recognition of the indepen- 
dence of the insurgent States; and believing, moreover, that 
true policy, as well as true mercy, always demands, in the un- 
happy exigencies of war, a steady and unwavering application of 
all the means and all the energies at command, until the object 
of the war is accomplished, I shall oppose the measure in every 
form in which opposition is likely to be effective. 

"General McClellan, the candidate of the Chicago Convention, 
by force of his position, must be deemed to approve all the de- 
clarations with which he was presented to the country, unless he 
distinctly disavows them. Unfortunately he is silent on the only 
question in regard to which the people cared he should 
speak. He does not say whether he is in favor of a cessation 
of hostilities — the measure announced by those who nominated 



bioi as the basis for action in case of his election — or whether he 
is opposed to it. He does not meet the question with manly 
frankness, as I am confident he would have done if he had taken 
counsel of his own instincts, instead of yielding to the subtle 
suggestions of politicians. The Chicago Convention presented a 
distinct issue to the people. As the nominee of the Convention 
he was bound to accept or repudiate it. He has done neither ; 
and whatever inference may be drawn from his silence, either 
the war democrats or the peace democrats must be deceived. 

" In calling for a cessation of hostilities, the members of the 
Chicago Convention have, in my judgment, totally misrepre- 
sented the feelings and opinions of the great body of the demo- 
cracy. The policy produced in its name makes it — so far as 
such a declaration can — what it has never been before, a peace 
pai'ty, degrading it from the eminence on which it has stood in 
every other national conflict. In this injustice to the country, 
and to a great party identified with all that is honorable in our 
history, I can have no part. I can only mourn over the reproach 
which has been brought upon it by its leaders, and cherish the 
hope that it may hereafter, under the auspices of better counsel- 
lors, resume its ancient, eft'ective and benificent influence on the 
administration of the Government. 

" Does any one doubt as to the true cause of our national 
calamities? I believe it to be found in the management of the 
leaders of both the principal political parties during the last 
quarter of a century. 

In 1840, the great men of the Whig party — Webster, Clay, 
and others — men of universally acknowledged ability and long 
experience in civil life — were thrust aside, and General Harrison, 
a man of moderate capacity, was selected as its candidate for 
the Presidjency. The principle of availability, as it was termed, 
was adopted as the rule of selection, and the question of fitness 
became obsolete. The concern was to know, not who was best 
qualified to administer the government, but who, from his com- 
parative obscurity, would \)e least likely to provoke embittered 
opposition. This was the beginning of a system of demoralization 
which has ended in the present distracted condition of the 
country. It reversed all the conservative principles of humane 
action by proscribing talent and experience, and crowning medi- 
ocrity with the highest honors of the republic. In 1844, the 
democratic party followed the successful example of its oppo- 
nents in 1840. It i3ut aside Van Buren, Cags, Marcy, and its 

»0B 



oMier eminent statesmen, and brought forward Mr. Polk — a man 
of merely ordinary ability. Parties which have neither the 
courage nor the virtue to stand by their greatest and best men 
soon fall into hopeless demoralization. This system of retro- 
gradation in all that is manly and just, has continued, with two 
or three abortive efforts at reaction, for twenty-four years. 
It has driven pre-eminent talent out of the paths which lead to 
the highest political distinction ; and multitudes, with a simpli- 
city which would be ludicrous, were it not so deplorable, ask 
what is become of our great men. The inquiry is easily 
answered. They are in the learned professions — in science, lite- 
rature and art, and in the numberless fields of intellectual exer- 
tion which are opened by the wants of a great country in a rapid 
career of developement. The intellect of the country is neither 
diminished in the aggregate, nor dwarfed in its individual pro- 
portions. The political market, like the commercial, under the 
influence of the inflexible law of demand and supply, is furnished 
wiih the kind of material it requires. It calls for mediocrity 
and it gets nothing better. The highest talent goes where it is 
a passport to the highest rewards. It withdraws from a field in 
which the choice of accession to the first civic honor is in 
an inverse ratio of eminence and qualifications. 

" Thus, under the rule of the inferior intellects, which party 
management has elevated to the conduct of the public affairs, 
the peace, the prosperity, and the high character of the country 
have gone down. 

" If the great men of the republic luid conti'oUed the policy 
and action of the Government during the last quarter of a 
century, we should have had no rebellion. Distraction within 
invites agression from without ; and we are enduring the humi- 
liation of seeing a monarchy established in contact with our 
southern boundary by one of the great powers of Europe, in 
contempt of our repeated protestations ; and another of these 
powers permitting rebel cruisers to be armed in her ports to 
depredate on our commerce. 

'" Under such a system of political management no government 
can last long. I know it is not easy to change what such a lapse 
of time has fastened upon us. Politicians have the strongest 
interest in placing in the chair of state feeble men, whom they 
can control, instead of men of self-sustaining power, to whom 
they would be mere subordinates and auxiliaries. But the time 
will come — it may not be far distant — when the people, tired of 



voting for men of inferior capacity, thrust upon them through 
the machinery of couventions, (in which they have no voice), will 
rise in their majesty, and place the conduct of their affairs in 
more capable hands. If such a change is not speedily effected, 
it is my firm belief that our republican institutions will fall to 
pieces, and an arbitrary government rise upon their ruins ; for, 
unless the testimony of all history is to be discarded, no political 
system can be ujiheld except by giving to its administration the 
benefit of the very highest talent and the largest experience. 

"Till this reform shall come, my advice to the great body of 
the people is, to hold fast to their traditionary principles and 
good name, by giving an earnest support to the war, and to 
scan with the severest scrutiny the conduct of those who control 
party movements. Many of the men who are most prominent 
in conventions have personal interest to subserve. Even those 
who are comparatively disinterested are not always the safest 
advisers. They have lived so long in the turbid atmosphere of 
party excitement and party traffic, that they have contracted 
morbid habits of thought and action, which, like chronic diseases 
in the human system, it is hard to alleviate and still harder to 
cure. The only hope left to us lies in the patriotism and dis- 
interestedness of the great body of the people of all parties, who 
are facing the enemies of their country on the battle-field with a 
heroism unsurpassed in any age, or who at home, amid the pre- 
vailing tumult or disorder, are working out, in the quiet pursuit 
of their varied occupations, the momentous problem of the pub- 
lic prosperity and safety. When they shall send out, fresh from 
their own ranks, new men to consult together for the salvation of 
all that is most precious in government and society, there will be 
cause for hope and faith in our redemption from impending evils 
and dangers ; bearing, in the meantime, as well as we can, the 
heavy burdens which have been cast upon us by a quarter of a 
century of political mismanagement and public misrule. 

*'It is time the people should understand these truths. No one 
perhaps, can tell them wuth more propriety than myself, having 
been, much of the period referred to, in public life, fruitlessly 
contending against party contrivances which have involved the 
country in all the evils of civil strife. 

I am, very respectfully, yours, 

JOHN A. DIX. 

"James H. Okme, Chairman, dbc, 

"Cadwalladeb Biddle, Secretary^ 

W6d 



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